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On the exact date Donald Trump received a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an equally flamboyant national security strategy. This fairly short paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically modest claim that the president has rescued "our nation – and the world – back from the brink of catastrophe and disaster."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Strategy of Interference and Cultural Anxiety

The document espouses an aggressive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken straight from speeches by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to reclaim its cultural self-assurance." More ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is eclipsed by the real and more stark prospect of cultural extinction."

The whole section on Europe is steeped in decades of European far-right dogma and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating conflict, suppression of free speech and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to be reliable allies." Indeed, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, some NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"American diplomacy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Core Ideas of the Far Right

These arguments carry strong echoes of two concepts regarded as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was employed by the German far right to attack the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it sees its allies: "America encourages its political allies in Europe to advance this revival of spirit, and the growing clout of nationalist European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."

The Objective: "Restore European Greatness"

Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Make Europe great again," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" prioritises "cultivating opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their past glory" – such as Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not explicitly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not regard Russia as an adversary either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a wider context, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to interfere in the "Americas," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document vows to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which involves the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

None of this is necessarily new – recall JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an unwilling ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to respond accordingly.